Canadian Government Executive - Volume 24 - Issue 06

46 / Canadian Government Executive // December 2018/January 2019 referred to as Atlantic Canada – collectively hold 30 seats in the Senate as opposed to 24. Despite the sentiments of Canada’s first prime minister, the Senate has always struggled for legitimacy in the eyes of Ca- nadians. This is largely due to the fact that appointments have been made primarily on the basis of political affiliation. In to- day’s world, it is difficult to justify why a prime minister should be able to appoint his friends and supporters to roles that come with prestige, job security until age 75, a sizeable salary, and a lifelong pension (provided the Senator has served for at least six years). Prime Minister Trudeau has introduced changes that em- phasize non-partisan criteria in the appointment process. The government has established an Independent Advisory Board for Senate Appointments that provide recommendations to the prime minister for filling Senate vacancies. Canadians apply to become Senators and are advised that criteria including knowl- edge, experience, service, integrity, and representation will be given consideration, as opposed to partisanship. It is too early to tell whether the emphasis on non-partisan criteria will turn Senators – still unelected and unaccountable – into legitimate policy actors in the eyes of Canadians. Some Senators have championed the idea of regional cau- cuses in the Senate, which would be a logical approach in light of their regional representation mandate. This idea has never really taken hold; instead, the Senate is currently populated by three caucuses: the Senate Liberals, the Conservatives, and the Independent Senators Group which, at 54 members, is the larg- est by far. There are also ten unaffiliated members. To the extent that Senators are constrained by their perceived lack of legitimacy, it is more difficult for them to fulfill their role as regional voices – no matter how they caucus. Given the lack of active and pronounced intrastate federalism, there is more space to fill for interstate federalism. Negotiations between na- tional and sub-national governments happen all the time and through different actors and access points, including both poli- ticians and public servants. The most visual and high profile of these interactions is the First Ministers’ Meeting (FMM). The FMM that took place in early December reminded us just how much political landscapes have changed since the federal Liberal government was elected. At the end of 2015, seven of ten provinces were governed by Liberals, and Rachel Notley, though with NDP, was an ally. Now, four of those governments have changed hands, and there is far less synergy between Pre- mier Notley and the Prime Minister. Provincial partnerships will become more difficult; it could be that the need for a stronger intrastate federalism will prove apparent. L ori T urnbull is the Director of the School of Public Administration at Dalhousie University and the deputy editor of Canadian Government Executive. THE LAST WORD At the end of 2015, seven of ten provinces were governed by Liberals, and Rachel Notley, though with NDP, was an ally. Now, four of those governments have changed hands, and there is far less synergy between Premier Notley and the Prime Minister. Prime Minister Trudeau speaks during the First Ministers meeting in Vancouver. March 3, 2016.